Why Rep. Fred Upton Called It Quits
This article is part of The D.C. Brief, TIME’s politics newsletter. Sign up Click hereSubscribe to receive stories similar to this in your inbox
For Fred Upton, politics can be reduced to some pretty simple math: either you have the votes or you don’t.
It’s how the Michigan Republican got a massive update to health care regulations and mental health services to President Barack Obama for signature. It’s how he beat wave elections in his southwest Michigan district over and over again. And it’s why he so strongly spoke out against Donald Trump’s influence on the GOP, even as Upton voted with Trump’s legislation almost 80% of the time.
“We’re not going to win unless we’re a big tent. And we’re not going to win unless we add to our base, not subtract from it,” he said last year, urging his fellow Republicans not to chase the bogus claims of election fraud embedded in Trump’s Big Lie.
Reagan Administration aide and 18th-term Congressman did some math and arrived at a Midwestern conclusion. On Tuesday, the long-serving Republican took the floor of the House, where he first walked as a Hill staffer in 1976, and announced he wouldn’t run for another term. One of the most emotional members of the disbanded Main Street Coalition began the process to wind down his remarkable political career, which made him the only member of history who voted to impeach both Presidents.
“Even the best stories have a last chapter. This is it for me,” Upton said. “Hopefully civility and bipartisanship versus discord can rule and not rue the day.”
Naturally, Trump claimed Upton’s as his political scalp. The 45th President had endorsed another candidate in the primary against Upton in retribution for Upton’s vote to impeach him in the 2021 probe that focused on his role in the failed Jan. 6 insurrection. Upton became one of the few voices warning his fellow colleagues about Trump’s tyranny.
But the math back home probably had more to do with Upton’s choice than anything Trump could menace. While Upton remains well liked in his Kalamazoo district—neighbors simply call him “Fred” after such a long tenure—his home turf got cut in a tricky way after the 2020 Census. His district got mashed up with the Grand Rapids-based neighboring district, where incumbent Republican Bill Huizenga is running for another term with Trump’s endorsement. Upton must have fought against Huizenga to win a second term.
Upton might have made it through a primary. His Rolodex is ripe after so long in Washington and money wasn’t an issue; he started the year with about $1.5 million banked in his campaign account. He was still there Monday night. soundingDuring an interview with NBC News Capitol Hill, she was very candid and resembled a candidate. “If we run, we’re going to run my own race. I’m not changing,” he said. “If we’re going to be in the majority, we have to appeal to more than just the Trump voter. They’re not a majority in the country. They may be a majority in our party.”
Being a Trump foe in the Republican Party is a hell. Upton had re-examined his political calculations a day later. Upton now ranks as the fourth Republican that voted against Trump’s second impeachment. Trump has begun to work to defeat the remaining six.
Upton’s not alone in confronting a new reality from redistricting chaos. Michigan’s bipartisan redistricting effort faced a real challenge in redrawing lines in a fair way to deal with the loss of one House seat because the state didn’t grow as quickly as places like Texas. Michigan’s new lines are forcing Rep. Debbie Dingell to move from Dearborn to Ann Arbor to stay in Congress. Rep. Haley Stevens is also planning to move, and possibly switch districts. Yet to their credit, Michigan’s team actually got the maps approved before the deadline, unlike Ohio, where mapmakers are trying to convince the state Supreme Court they shouldn’t be held in contempt over gerrymandered district lines. And in New Hampshire, Florida, and Missouri—among others—the maps aren’t even drawn yet for incumbents to know if they need to ditch fundraisers in favor of real estate open houses.
Democrats had long considered the Upton District to be winnable. Upton proved to be resilient in a district he knew well. Upton refused to consume the Trump Kool-Aid, and kept his bipartisan credentials in the forefront. In 2018, a year when Republicans nationwide took a walloping, Upton ran an aggressive campaign in his district and actually ran ahead of Republicans’ voter-registration advantage there. Upton still managed to outperform despite the headwinds. (The fact the Economic Club of Southwest Michigan paid Biden $200,000 to speak at an event in the district three weeks before Election Day 2018 didn’t hurt, either; Biden called Upton “one of the finest guys I’ve ever worked with” at the event, funded in part through an Upton family foundation.)
That’s the thing about Upton, a buttoned-down, old-school politician who used a friendship forged at a Bible study to recruit a Democratic partner in crafting a bipartisan health care agenda in 2016. Upton was vocal in his opposition to Obamacare, but he recognized that the nation’s approach to mental health treatment and approval of new therapies could be improved. Through hard work and aggressive courtship, Upton managed to deliver one of the last legislative compromises of the Obama era—one that paved the way for fast-track vaccine development during the COVID-19 crisis.
Upton stood united with Republicans during Trump’s first impeachment, the one over the President’s withholding of foreign aid to Ukraine unless that country delivered dirt on the Biden family. But the Jan. 6-based sequel was too much for Upton, who watched the mob march from his office’s Capitol Hill balcony. Upton voted to certify the results of the election, including Trump’s loss in Michigan, and later voted to impeach Trump.
More recently, he was among a handful of Republicans who backed Biden’s bipartisan infrastructure plan. Upton was the one who received death threats, according to reporters.
“I have no second thoughts or regrets about the votes that I’ve cast, whether it be for the Jan. 6 commission to get to the bottom of it, whether it was impeachment. He claimed he was completely responsible. I disagree, and the facts will come out when the report is done,” Upton told reporters just off the House floor on Tuesday.
The dean of Michigan’s House delegation, Upton is liked across the aisle—so much so that Rep. Dingell made a point of being the first Democrat to speak on the floor after Upton announced his retirement. While the political differences between them are not that great, Dingell noted that they never had any personal disagreements. After all, she said, Upton was among her late husband’s best friends in Congress.
Now, it’s likely the redrawn district will have its voice in Washington coming from a figure elected during the Tea Party wave of 2010 and probably returning to D.C. with a blessing by the former—and perhaps future—President. Upton’s brand of compromise was already a fleeting quality in Washington. This might be a good time to update its endangered status.
Washington: Make sense of the important things Subscribe to the D.C. Brief newsletter.
Here are more must-read stories from TIME