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Budget Stalemate, Red Sox Momentum Invite Comparisons To 1975
The Last Time the Budget Was This Overdue the Red Sox Played in the World Series

State House News Service 

By Helen Woodman

September 15, 1999--It's almost fall and most Bay State residents are more focused on seeing the Red Sox get to the World Series than in seeing lawmakers end their long budget impasse.  The same was probably true 24 years ago. 

The Sox did play for the ultimate championship in 1975.  It was the last time the state budget was as overdue as it is now.  This year's spending plan, due July 1, will be at least three months late.   In 1975, the budget didn't pass until November, a month after the Sox lost to the Cincinnati Reds. 

A look back at the '75 budget stalemate shows how the times and political figures have changed. 

While the fiscal 2000 budget totals $20.8 billion, the fiscal 1976 budget weighed in at less than $3 billion.  And while the debate today rages over the size and scope of tax cuts that should be delivered in a thriving economy, the '75 fight was over the size of what would be the biggest tax hike ever at a time when the state teetered on the ultimate national embarrassment - bankruptcy. 

There was another major difference.  The prolonged debate that year was not played out behind closed doors with only the Senate president and House speaker deciding the sticky questions. 

In fact, the budget never even reached a conference committee until late October, and problems facing the 1975 crop of legislators competed with the Red Sox for the daily headlines. 

On Oct. 22, 1975 the Sox were preparing for Game 7 and the Senate was preparing to debate a budget containing the tax package.  Debate began at 11 am.  After nine hours and attempts by GOP lawmakers to stall action, senators finally reached the portion of the budget containing the dreaded tax hikes. 

The Senate recessed then for about four hours so members lucky enough to have tickets to Game 7 could make their way to Fenway Park to watch the home team battle the Cincinnati Reds. 

With the Sox leading 3-0 in the 6th inning, it appeared that even a vote to raise taxes might not be the biggest story in the Boston dailies the next day.  But late-inning heroics by Pete Rose, Ken Griffey and Joe Morgan left Boston fans heartbroken and Cincinatti walked away with a 4-3 win. 

The Sox season ended at 11:35 pm. But another remarkable chain of events was about to occur at the State House, where senators reconvened just before midnight. 

After 13 hours of debate, even Senate President Kevin Harrington of Salem was shocked when, at 4 am, his colleagues voted 22-17 to reject the $3 billion budget that contained $425 million in proposed new income, sales and other taxes. 

During an earlier Democratic caucus, senators had balked at the possibility of having to go "on the record" by way of a roll call vote on the tax question.  They worried that voter anger directed at Gov. Michael Dukakis, who vowed during his campaign that he would not raise taxes, would spill over into the legislative arena. 

Throughout that long day, roll calls on any tax questions were avoided because Republicans numbered only seven in the 40-member Senate.  It took eight votes to force a roll call if 37 or more senators were on hand.  With everyone present, they were unable muster the required one-fifth vote to support a roll call and preliminary tax hike approval votes were voice votes.  But there would still have to be a final vote approving the budget with its tax riders. 

According to The Boston Globe, the final throes of the debate were not much different from what transpires today in the both legislative branches:  "As debate neared its end, senators crowded around the rostrum and dozens of amendments were approved or rejected without ever being in print or read 
aloud . . . An air of carnival frivolity pervaded the chamber," the Globe reported. 

Final action was supposed to come by a simple voice vote but some Democrats had meandered out of the chamber and the tiny band of Republicans was able to force a roll call.  When the vote was announced at 4:28 am, 15 Democrats, many of whom had been willing to let the new taxes prevail as long as they did not have to be recorded by name, voted instead with the anti-tax GOP. 

Following what the Globe described as "a moment of stunned disbelief," Senate President Harrington instructed members to remain in the chamber and he placed before the body the question of reconsidering the 22-17 vote rejecting the budget.  Republican members again asked for a roll call but not one of their Democratic colleagues stood with them to require it. 

The budget/tax package was then approved by voice vote with no one having to go on the record.  Former GOP Sen. David Locke of Wellesley was outraged.  "This has to be the first time in the history of democracy that a bill that was opposed by the majority will become law," Locke said. 

Harrington then stepped down from the rostrum to address the Senate.  "The responsibility that is thrust upon some of us from time to time is a heavy and ugly responsibility . . . I am well aware that it's an extraordinary procedure.  Maybe the tactics were harsh.  Maybe the tactics were unconscionable.  But we violated no rule.  We violated no constitutional provision.  In my judgement we had to have this budget," he said,  to avoid "economic chaos" and "disaster." 

Harrington also had plenty to say about fellow Democrat Dukakis, whose relationship with legislators was strained during the first of his three four-year terms.  The governor was partly to blame for the 1975 fiscal mess, Harrington said, because "he is unable to govern correctly." 

The next day, Dukakis said Harrington's remarks "are a good argument for not having legislative sessions early in the morning." 

Over on the House side, the outrage continued. Republican Leader Francis Hatch of Beverly said Harrington's action to impose his will was "a disgraceful perversion of the legislative process."  Rep. Marie Howe (D-Somerville) called the Senate's action "dastardly," according to the Globe

And Harrington would have even more to say that day after the vote.  Citing Dukakis' delays in naming top administration officials following his election, Harrington told the Globe the new governor had difficulty making decisions on state policy. 

"I don't have any personal rancor towards the governor.  There is nothing he can do for me or against me at this point," Harrington said.  "But it's a series of things which bothers me." 

The finger pointing didn't last long.  While conferees set about the task of resolving House and Senate differences over the spending and tax plans, the pressure mounted.  On Oct. 28, 1975, Harrington summoned the state's newspaper editors and publishers to his State House office. 

He warned then that continuing to limp along on interim budgets would cause the state to default the following month on $163 million in bonds for community programs.  And, the Globe reported, the Salem Democrat said "experts" had informed him that "the absolute deadline, the moment when there will be no more money, is April 1." 

A Dukakis spokesperson said the governor did not think the Commonwealth was as close to "disaster" as did Harrington.  But the next day, there was bleaker news.  The First National Bank of Boston informed Dukakis that even with the speedy passage of the budget, the state might still default on yet another $120 million in housing bonds on Dec. 11. 

Press reports described Harrington and House Speaker Thomas McGee as "shaken" when they emerged from the governor's office after hearing the news.  Bankers had reportedly imposed a Nov. 8 deadline for action. 

On Wednesday, Nov. 5, 1975, conferees settled on a $2.88 billion budget and $364 million in new taxes to stave off bankruptcy.  A contrite Gov. Dukakis went on statewide television to apologize for the fiscal crisis and to accept responsibility.  On Nov. 6, the House voted 116-110 (at the time there were 240 House members) and the Senate voted 20-14 to pass the final budget. 

Legislative leaders in 1999 know they face no danger of a fiscal calamity but they are hoping they won't beat the 1975 record for late budgeting. And, like their constituents, they are also hoping this year will have a different outcome for the Red Sox. 
 
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