Will
the GOP Survive in Massachusetts?
Is Its Purpose Only to Help a Governor
Survive?
By Nathan
Woodside
February 8, 2001
The Republican
candidate for Congress from the Cape Cod area couldn’t believe it last
year when he and two other Massachusetts candidates were turned away
at the door of the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia.
“We’re
federal candidates for God’s sake,” Eric Bleicken recalled thinking.
The two
other candidates, Jack E. Robinson III in the senatorial race and Paul
McCarthy in the 6th Congressional District race, also arrived
at the convention to discover that the State Republican Committee had
left no tickets in their names.
The
three eventually managed to get tickets into the convention, but the
ordeal became an ominous sign for their doomed campaigns and a telling
anecdote to the relationship between the national and state GOP and
last year’s squad of Massachusetts Republican congressional candidates.
“We are
rudderless. The people running the party are hacks,” Robinson said.
Running
a viable Republican congressional campaign in Massachusetts has been
getting progressively more difficult since 1996, when both Republican
incumbents were defeated by narrow margins. Massachusetts hasn’t sent
a Republican to Congress since.
Three
Close Races in 1996
In
1996, there were three close races. James McGovern narrowly defeated
Republican Peter Blute. The Democrat John Olver beat now-lieutenant
governor Jane Swift in a competitive race. In the 6th Congressional
race, the incumbent Republican, Pete Torkildsen, lost by less than 1
percent of the vote.
In that
year, Massachusetts Republican candidates raised 34 percent of the total
fundraising for congressional races in the state. In 1998, their share
dropped to 17 percent. The decline continued into the 2000 race where
the five Republican candidates struggled to pull 3 percent of total
contributions, according to the Federal Elections Commission.
Financial
support for the Massachusetts Republican Party is wilting away at a
staggering rate. But despite having only 13 percent of registered voters,
the party has managed to put a governor and lieutenant governor in the
statehouse.
Some congressional
candidates are skeptical about the head of the state ticket and partly
blame Governor Paul Cellucci for the party’s declining financial support.
There is
Republican money in Massachusetts, but it is just not going to congressional
races.
George
W. Bush raised $1,803,447 in Massachusetts for his presidential campaign
with the help of the Cellucci fundraising machine. This was $739,405
more than Vice President Al Gore, according to the Center for Responsive
Politics, a non-profit organization that tracks campaign contributions.
“There’s
a limited supply of Republicans in Massachusetts, and I think the Bush
and Cellucci campaigns had some effect in draining the wallets,” Congressional
candidate Pete Jon Abair said.
A longtime
Boston Republican fundraiser who donated money to all six Republican
congressional candidates, as well as to the Bush and Sen. John McCain
presidential campaigns, thought Cellucci spent too much time raising
money for Bush. He says this time could have been better spent getting
a congressional “farm team” together.
Cellucci
Is Blamed
“All
the major fundraising in the Republican Party went to the Bush campaign,”
said one activist. “Cellucci didn’t help the five congressional candidates.
He raises a million for Bush, but he didn’t raise anything for the congressional
candidates. The five guys here didn’t have a prayer.”
Some congressional
candidates are cynical about Cellucci’s aggressive fundraising for Bush,
interpreting it as a self-serving campaign for a cabinet position in
the new administration.
“Cellucci
skimmed off the Republican Party,” said one activist. “He wants to play
games in Washington. He raises all this money for Bush, but Bush still
loses the state. Cellucci swept away Republican GOP money.”
Robinson
and Bleicken partly blame the Republican State Committee for poor Republican
support, but a member of the committee, Tom Fletcher, was not sure the
state party was responsible for the dismal financial support of the
congressional candidates.
“You might
want to ask the Bush campaign and the Republican National Committee
if anyone thinks they took money away from Massachusetts Republican
candidates,” he said.
The Republican
National Committee declined to comment on the specifics of the Massachusetts
congressional race, but said they support all Republican candidates.
The conservative
political action committees in Washington D.C. turned their backs when
Massachusetts candidates asked for financial support.
The National
Rifle Association, for example, didn’t support Bleicken, who ran on
a conservative, pro-second amendment platform. Bleicken understood that
PACs want a return on their money, something that couldn’t be guaranteed
by a Massachusetts Republican congressional candidate. He was not surprised
by the NRA’s refusal to donate money to his campaign.
“PACs in
Washington are very pragmatic. They look at the numbers and only give
money if the candidate looks promising,” Bleicken said. “They kissed
off Massachusetts.”
Since the
1996 race, PAC support for Massachusetts Republican congressional candidates
has practically vanished, and the trend is staggering. In 1996, Republican
candidates received 20 percent of PAC money donated to congressional
races in Massachusetts. In 1998, it totaled four percent. In 2000, less
than one-half of one percent of PAC contributions made in Massachusetts
went to Republican candidates, according to data provided by the FEC.
Abair found
the same pragmatism frustrating, although he ran a relatively strong
campaign, raising $132,442, of which 4 percent came from PACs.
“You
make the rounds in D.C. and if you are deemed a competitive race then
the PACs open up their coffers,” Abair said. “We were never able to
make inroads with those people.” Abair and McCarthy were the only Republican
candidates in Massachusetts to receive money from PACs in the 2000 race,
according to the FEC.
For the
most part, Massachusetts Republican candidates had to finance their
campaigns independently. According to FEC data, 82 percent of their
contributions came from individual donors.
Robinson
Had Uphill Battle
Jack
E. Robinson III faced an uphill battle for a Senate seat by challenging
popular Democratic incumbent Senator Ted Kennedy without an endorsement
from the state party. Robinson didn’t look to the state or national
parties for financial support but financed his campaign with his own
money.
“The state
party is in no position to do anything,” he said. “There is no leadership.
Someone has to step up if he wants to do something.”
Robinson
saw that Republican candidates across the state were struggling financially
and no one seemed to care. With three weeks left in his campaign, he
distributed over $10,000 of his own money to the 80 statewide Republican
candidates, making him the first Republican candidate in Massachusetts
history to donate money to every candidate in his party. An Oct. 17
press release from his campaign quoted the letter he included with each
donation, which read, “It is my goal to do everything that I can to
help rebuild the GOP in our state.”
Abair and
Bleicken were very grateful for Robinson’s donation, which they said
sent a message to the state and national committees. “Robinson’s contribution
was much appreciated, and necessary,” Bleicken said.
Robinson
wants to free up state GOP money for all Republican candidates. He believes
that a clean elections law is the only panacea for Republican financial
starvation in Massachusetts. “The real issue is state party leadership,”
he said. “Things flow down.”
As in 1996
and 1998, Massachusetts didn’t send a single Republican to Congress
this year. “Massachusetts Republicans have no representation in Washington
D.C.,” Bleicken said. “We are powerless.”
With Republicans
pocketing only 3 percent of the contributions made to congressional
races, this year’s election results are painfully familiar for candidates
and the small minority who donated to their campaigns.
Peter Quinn,
of Braintree, gave $200 to the Bleicken campaign, even though he admits
Bleicken had little hope winning against incumbent Democrat William
Delahunt. Quinn believes the Massachusetts Republican Party has little
hope of rebuilding a farm team as long as the national party continues
to siphon money away from congressional races and abandons local candidates.
“The solicitations
for money that I get from the national party end up in my waste basket,”
Quinn said.
Editor’s
Note: Although this article clearly points out some of the problems
in the GOP, everyone realizes that the real solution will not come at
the congressional level. The Republican Party must start its rebuilding
at the municipal level and then move on to the state legislature. Only
then will it have the infrastructure to give us a two-party state which
is so necessary for a democracy to function.
Bibliography
Some
of Those Interviewed
Abair, Peter Jon. He ran as a Republican in the 1st
Congressional District in the western part of the state and was defeated
by incumbent Democrat John Olver. I spoke with Abair on the phone and
through email correspondence. He was a relatively successful Republican
congressional candidate, raising over $100,000 in contributions and
having Sen. McCain stump for him in October. His phone number is (413)
732-2787. Email is peteabair@yahoo.com
Bleicken,
Eric. He ran unsuccessfully as a Republican in the 10th
Congressional District in the Cape Cod area against incumbent Democrat
William Delahunt. I had a few phone interviews with Bleicken and a string
of email messages. His phone number is (508) 760-2045. His email is
bleicken@mediaone.net.
Fletcher,
Tom. He is with the Republican State Committee and I spoke with
him over the phone on two occasions. His number is (617) 524-2929. He
wasn’t very helpful and was a little defensive when I asked him questions
about the Republican congressional squad.
Robinson,
Jack E. III Robinson was defeated by incumbent Democrat Ted Kennedy
for the Senate seat. Robinson’s interview was my best one. He was very
bitter and resentful toward the national and state parties, who both
left him hanging for support. Robinson donated $10,000 of his own money
to the 80 Republican candidates statewide. I reached him at (617) 524-6333.
Quinn,
Peter He donated $200 to the Bleicken campaign. I got his name and
number off FEC and made a cold call to his home. Fortunately he was
willing to talk with me about the state Republican Party. His phone
number is (781) 848-3509.
Newspaper
Articles
“A Raise for Expenses,” Editorial, Boston Globe 9 Apr. 2000, 3rd
ed E6.
This editorial offers a few solutions in regard to improving the Massachusetts
Clean Elections Law. There is debate among state legislatures that the
Clean Elections Law hampers the necessary allowances of state legislatures.
The Globe proposes that House expenditures be disclosed. By the time
the law goes into effect in 2002, the Globe sees no reason why it should
be contested in the state legislature.
“The 2000
Campaign: The Finance Laws; Parties Accused of Running Illegal Ads,”
New York Times 17 June 2000, final ed. A10. Broder, John M. and Don
Van Natta Jr.
Article reports alleged violations on the part of both presidential
candidates concerning the issue of using soft money contributions to
fund political advertisements. This issue of soft money, i.e. money
donated to a political party for the purpose of “issue building,” is
in the background of any comprehensive story on campaign finance contributions.
Though the article does not specifically talk about soft money donations
in Massachusetts, it does bring up an issue to consider when looking
into who, or what, from Massachusetts is contributing money to the presidential
candidates. Article also gives a lead on a potential source, former
Massachusetts Attorney General Scott Harshbarger, who now heads up Common
Cause, a watchdog for U.S. elections.
“GOP To
Focus on ‘Farm Team’ Rather than Risk Losing the Farm,” Boston Globe,
22 Mar. 2000, 3rd ed. A26.
Cassidy, Tim.
This article discusses the financial relationship between Republican
Jack E. Robinson III and the Mass. GOP. According to the article, Robinson
pledged to spend $1 million on his own congressional campaign because
the GOP refused to fund his race, a campaign Gov. Cellucci called a
“kamikaze mission.” The GOP pledged to support community offices in
the election, rather than congressional races against wealthy incumbent
Democrats. This article helps explain why Republican congressional candidates
received little funding, if any, from the state Republican Party.
“Coalition
Blasts Governor, Demands Election Funding,” Boston Globe 13 Nov. 1999,
city ed., A1. Crowley, Michael and Frank Phillips.
This article reports that a coalition of groups had demanded changes
to the Clean Elections Act, arguing that incumbents would receive an
unfair advantage under the law to raise money while in office. The power
of incumbents is a recurring point of discussion in Mass. politics,
particularly last election season, in which all congressional candidates
were Democrats. The power of the incumbency seems to have a hand in
fundraising.
“Political
Capital; GOP Senate Hopeful Robinson Says He Plans To Crash Bush Fund-raiser,”
Boston Globe 11 June 2000, 3rd ed., B3. Crowley, Michael,
et al
GOP Senate contender Jack E. Robinson, in a desperate attempt to secure
a few Massachusetts Republican dollars, attempted to crash a Gov. Bush
fundraiser. Robinson, like many other Republican congressional candidates,
seriously lacked party funding. While Bush continued to build up his
war chest, state Republicans were in desperate need of campaign financing.
“Political
Capital; Cellucci Rattles the Massachusetts Money Tree In Support of
Bush Presidential Effort.” Boston Globe, 18 June 2000, 3rd
ed. B3. Ebbert, Stephanie, et al.
George W. Bush got more money from Massachusetts than his rival, Al
Gore, and this article helped to explain a potential reason why. Massachusetts’
Republican Governor Paul Cellucci was a key fund-raiser for the GOP
candidate. As recently as June, Cellucci held a $20,000-a-couple dinner,
with the proceeds funneling into the Presidential trust, from which
Governor Bush could draw generously. Though the article goes on to explain
potential motives for Cellucci’s loyalty to Governor Bush, it still
gets at a reason central to a story on why Bush gets so much money from
a state long believed to be a bastion for the Democratic party.
“In Mass.,
Bush Leaves Few Funds for His Rivals,” Boston Globe, 16 July 1999, city
ed. A1. Ferrell, John.
Gov. George W. Bush has secured the purse of Mass. Republican money.
This article discusses how Bush consolidated Mass. Republican donations
made in the benefit of the presidential race. The article lists leading
Republican contributors, both individuals and corporations. The scope
of Bush’s fundraising in the state makes for a grim contrast to the
war chests of other Mass. Republicans, who struggled to secure even
modest financing.
“Court
Agrees To Review Restrictions on Spending,” New York Times, 11 Oct.
2000, New England ed. A20. Greenhouse, Linda
This article covers the decision on behalf of the U.S. Supreme Court
to decide whether spending limits on congressional campaigns are constitutionally
valid. The article also provides a brief legal framework for understanding
the evolution of campaign finance law. This background makes the article
particularly helpful.
“In Money
Race, Robinson Faces Tall Order,” Boston Globe, 21 Apr. 2000,
3rd ed. A10. Hohler, Bob.
The financial disparities between the Mass. Democratic and Republican
campaigns for Congress are presented in this article. It appears that
the power of incumbency has enhanced the powers of fund-raising for
the Democrats. This article is helpful in understanding the challenges
state Republicans face as they campaign against powerfully connected
and well-funded Democrat incumbents and explains why the Republican
Party has had difficulty recruiting candidates.
“Who Killed
the Massachusetts GOP?” Boston Globe, 15 May 2000. 3rd ed.
Jacoby, Jeff.
This article gives a good overview of the recent demise of the Massachusetts
GOP. It offers a few explanations for the trend, but the real value
of the article is that it names the key players in the state party and
suggests that they aren’t doing enough
to build a congressional farm team.
“GOP Reaps
Harvest in Massachusetts Donations Flowing To Out-Of-Staters,” Boston
Globe, 15 June 2000, 3rd ed. A1. Kornblut, Anne E.
“Massachusetts is a tempting place for republicans to raise money, especially
this year,” writes the reporter, whose article in part suggests that
George W. Bush is doing well in Boston because of dearth of local Republican
candidates for donors to aid. Big spenders in Massachusetts are eyeing
politicians from other states, using the logic that if they can’t make
a difference in their home state, they might be able to make a difference
elsewhere. This meant good news for Gov. Bush, who managed to out-raise
his Democratic rival in a state that he lost convincingly during the
primaries. This article also provides a lead on two potential sources:
Ron Kaufman, Massachusetts’
Republican National committeeman, and Priscilla Ruzzo, a Republican
fund-raiser in Boston.
“House
Plan Would Limit Candidate Financing Legislature, Races May Get No Funds,”
Boston Globe, 25 Apr. 2000, 3rd ed. A1. Phillips, Frank
The debate over the Clean Elections Law continues in the state legislature.
This article is helpful in giving some background to the criticisms
concerning the law.
“Finneran
Targets Election Law, House To Consider Changes in Campaign Finance
Overhaul,” Boston Globe, 26 Apr 2000, 3rd ed. E3.
Again, the debate over the Clean Elections Law is of concern. Here,
Common Cause director Ken White makes a few comments about the new law
and its impact on voters and fair elections.
“Law Makers
Rewrite Massachusetts Campaign Rules,” Boston Globe 11 Nov. 1999, city
ed. A1.
The power and influence of the Mass. incumbents, mostly all Democrat,
is at the center of opposition to the Clean Elections Act. David Donnolley,
director of Mass Voters for Clean Elections, is interviewed in the article,
and he gives good insight into reasons why incumbents might oppose the
new law.
“The Fundraising:
GOP Has Big Advantage in its Campaign Treasury,” New York Times, 11
Oct. 2000, New England Ed. A27. Van Natta, Don Jr.
This article highlights the huge sums of money both parties raised on
the national level. More specifically, the article deals with the $100
million the Republican Party raised in the third quarter, which was
a record amount. The article touches upon a few reasons explaining the
success of Republican fundraising and the various strategies both parties
used in their fundraising. The article gives some national perspective
to the fundraising in Massachusetts.
“Campaign
2000; Robinson Donating to GOP Races,” Boston Globe, 18 Oct 2000, 3rd
ed. B3. Weiss, Joanna
Although Robinson did not get funding from the state GOP, he pledged
to donate $10,000 of his own money to other Republican candidates across
the state. The article highlights an interesting situation: Not only
did Robinson lack Republican funding, other statewide Republican candidates
were also struggling to maintain their own campaigns. This was all a
stark contrast to the war chest Gov. George W. Bush raised in Massachusetts.
Although the state Republican Party was strapped for cash, Mass. Republicans
gave generously to the national ticket.
Magazine
Articles
“Oh, What a
Sweet Soft-Money Machine,” Business Week, 22 May 2000 p 85. Woellert,
Lorraine.
This magazine article explains how congressional joint-committees are
used to raise large sums of money for both Republican and Democratic
coffers. What is interesting is that Sen. Ted Kennedy, through the Massachusetts
Victory Fund, managed to raise $121,402. The article outlines the use
of joint-committees and even touches upon peripheral ethical issues.
In respect to Sen. Kennedy, this article is useful in understanding
a few of the lesser-known aspects of Mass. congressional fundraising.
“The Money
Machine,” The Economist, 30 Sept. 2000, p. 34-35.
This is a very general article that manages to provide some helpful
insight into the role soft-money plays in elections. More importantly,
however, this article makes some discussion about the role the incumbency
plays in elections. This has direct bearing on the Massachusetts congressional
races – all incumbents are Democrats.
Journal
Articles
“Hiding the Money,” National Journal, 32.27 (2000) p. 2154.
Carney, Eliza Newlin.
Although this article is beyond the scope of my research, it does deal
with one specific aspect of my article. Sen. Kennedy’s affiliation with
a joint political group and his subsequent fundraising might make for
an interesting side bar to my story. The role of the incumbency in Mass.
fundraising is very interesting.
On the Internet
Tom Paine. Common
Sense; A Journal of Opinion, 12 Oct. 2000. Funded by the Florence
Fund.
This online journal contains an extensive archive of articles relating
to clean money campaign reform and current campaign financing. More
in-depth feature articles, such as the current article on clean money
supplement the monthly article archive. Articles are written primarily
by staff journalists and professors.
Public
Campaign, Copyright 2000, President Ellen S. Miller.
This web site holds an archive of articles and press releases related
to campaign finance. The president served for 12 years as executive
director of the Center for Responsive Politics. The site is also useful
for sorting through campaign finance law and history.
Public
Integrity, founded in 1990, Executive Director Charles Lewis.
This is an online newsletter that serves as a resource for
articles relating to campaign finance while also monitoring campaign
contributions. Campaign contributions can be examined for state or national
candidates.
Open
Secrets.
This web site houses records for campaign contributions and organizes
them by state, zip code, metro area, candidate, PAC, congressional district
and party. It is helpful in getting a quick picture of where campaign
contributions are coming from. It is an ideal resource for making sense
of mass donations to the presidential campaign and congressional race.
Campaign
Finance.
Operated by IRE and CAR, this resource center maintains an online archive
of campaign finance stories. What is particularly helpful is its Massachusetts
money flow, which tracks contributions made in Massachusetts.
Massachusetts
Republican Party Home Page.
This is the Massachusetts Republican Party’s official web
site. It provides background information on state candidates and Bush’s
race in Massachusetts.
Federal
Elections Commission.
PAC financial activity and national party summaries are evaluated
on this web site. Campaign contribution reports for national and state
elections can be downloaded from this site. This site also provides
clear definitions of campaign finance laws.
Commonwealth
of Massachusetts Home Page.
The official web site of Massachusetts contains databases of voters,
maps, and descriptions of campaign finance laws. It is also valuable
for information on state elections.
Office
of Campaign and Political Finance.
This independent state agency administers the Clean Elections law.
It also houses a database of contributors to statewide candidates. The
office is directed by Michael Sullivan, and the data is managed by Dennis
Kennedy.
Books
Corrado, Anthony, Thomas E. Mann, Daniel R.
Ortiz,
Trevor
Potter, and Frank J. Sorauf, eds. Campaign
Finance Reform: A Sourcebook. Washington, D.C.: Brookings
Institution, 1997.
Although
this book was published prior to the passing of the Massachusetts Clean
Elections Act, it provides a recent history of campaign financing and
how campaign finance laws have evolved through legislative, judicial
and executive means on both the national and state levels. It includes
a number of relevant documents, court opinions and statutes. Hard data
is coupled with a number of scholarly articles on the area of finance
reform. It generally serves as a good reference book on campaign finance,
as well as a guidebook to the complex legal issues surrounding campaign
finance.
Donnelly,
David, Janice Fine, and Ellen S. Miller. Money
and Politics: Financing Our Elections Democratically. Boston: Beacon
Press, 1999.
Janice
Fine, one of the primary authors of this work, is the Organizing Director
of the Northeast Citizen Action Resource Center, an institution significant
in lobbying for 1998’s Clean Elections Act in Massachusetts. The first
chapter of this book offers a balanced discussion of why campaign finance
reform was needed throughout New England and the various steps that
brought Clean Election Acts to fruition in states like Maine and Massachusetts.
In that sense, the work will help add some perspective to the story
by providing the “where did we come from?” element when considering
the current state of campaign contributions in Massachusetts.
Gierzynski,
Anthony. Money Rules: Financing
Elections In America. Boulder: Westview Press, 2000.
This is
a background book. Though this story focuses on Massachusetts campaign
finance during the current election season, it is important to get some
background on the ubiquitous issue of campaign finance. This book’s
strength is that it is current, having been published in 2000. Its first
chapter, or introduction, does much to analyze the current problems
with campaign finance regulations, and it uses as a case study the 1996
election. Describing campaign finance as a “system in crisis,” the book’s
early pages go on to not only describe the current deficiencies in campaign
finance laws, but how the system can be improved. Though not focusing
much on Massachusetts specifically, some parts of this book will be
useful for putting the story into a national context.
Nathan
Woodside is a graduate student at Boston University’s College of Communication.
Related:
Cellucci
should not go to Washington
|