New York Times Has Said Since 1971 that It Is a “Fourth
Co-Equal Branch of Government” and It Will Decide What Secrets of
the U.S. Will Be Told to the World
When the editor of the Times reveals secrets of the U.S. which
are seriously damaging the nation according to President Bush in 2006,
the editor is merely following the tradition which the newspaper established
when it published the secret Pentagon Papers in 1971.
An editor at the New York Times wrote at that time, “The
Times
has quite literally become that
Fourth Estate, that fourth coequal branch of government.”
The editor who wrote that was Harrison Salisbury in his book
“Without Fear or Favor,” an official book commissioned by the New
York Times itself.
Pentagon Papers Were Difficult for Many to Swallow ---
Including the Publisher
It was difficult for many to understand
in 1971 (including the Publisher of the New York Times, Punch Sulzberger)
why the Times
should be
allowed to publish stolen, classified information from the Pentagon.
How could they possibly know whether any of this information would
help the enemy?
If they had reason to believe that this information was classified
as “secret” merely because it would be embarrassing to those in charge,
should they not have to follow some procedure, such as
go to a judge and have him decide in secret whether the
information was properly classified? Of course, their concern
really was that they didn’t consider the Communist governments that
the nation was fighting in 1971 to be “enemy.” It would
appear obvious to most that a newspaper should not be allowed
to publish every secret document it had stolen.
Even if one believed that the Times
should
be allowed to publish the Pentagon Papers, the Times
had
not done anything particularly difficult. It had not accomplished
any great reporting. It only printed the document which
had fallen into their lap from Daniel Ellsburg, an “intellectual”
who had been a hawk but had soured on the war.
This became a “great victory” for the Times
even
though the document showed how stupid the paper had been
in promoting our entry into the war. It proved how prescient others
had been in shuddering over their stupidity about escalating the war
in Vietnam. It was obvious all along that Presidents Kennedy and Johnson
had lied to them, or the Times
had
lied to the citizens, or a combination of the above.
In effect, the Pentagon Papers were an expose of the Times
itself.
They would not have made much of a splash if President
Nixon had not given them so much publicity. “[Nixon should
have] welcomed publicity, making one thing perfectly clear.
The Vietnam morass had not begun on his watch but on his
predecessors’, the Democrats Kennedy and Johnson,” according
to one commentator.
The lawsuits that followed went through a series of courts
as both the
Times
and
the Washington
Post brought
suits. The case went before the Supreme Court which held
6-3 in favor of the newspapers, but only three judges said
that they would never restrain a newspaper from printing
such documents. The other three looked at the papers in this
particular case and determined these particular papers
posed no real threat to the government. This meant that
six of the nine judges would not allow a newspaper to unilaterally
publish such documents in the future without court approval.
Official History of Times Said Times Was Now a Fourth Branch
of Government
Harrison Salisbury believed the issue
had clearly indicated that the Times had become the fourth
branch of government. He thought it so important
that it prompted him to write his book, Without
Fear or Favor.
In the foreword, he said:
“In the past quarter of a century the American Establishment
has been shaken to its foundations by what amounts to a new
American Revolution. Power has flowed into different and not
always steady hands. The country has been passing through
(there is no sign that the process is yet complete) an epoch
of change which begins to rival those surrealist dramas,
Russia in 1917 and China in 1949.
“The totality of this metamorphosis lies beyond the scope of
this book, but what I try here to document is the role of The
New York Times,
how it has participated in these new currents, affecting
them and being, in turn, profoundly changed itself.
“We think of a newspaper, even a great newspaper like The
Times,
as holding up a looking glass to history. For many years The
Times described
itself as “a newspaper of record.” It is my thesis, to
paraphrase McLuhan, that, in a sense, the mirror has
become
the message; that in showing us what we are and what we
are doing; in reflecting the bloat, the complexity, the contradictions
of the post-World War II society, The
Times has
come to fulfill a new function; it has quite literally become
that Fourth Estate, that fourth coequal branch of government
of which men like Thomas Carlyle spoke. [Emphasis
added]
“I have centered my attention on a half-dozen events, mileposts,
if you will, of this process. The great confrontation over
the Pentagon Papers takes a central place because it stands
as a metaphor of the emergence of The
Times into
its new social role
and,
moreover, is in every respect an exciting, a cautionary and an
until-now untold tale ...
“My emphasis has been placed on the modern Times
and
its
times,
and particularly upon the American experience, the experience
of the last twenty or twenty-five years [1955 to 1980],
the experience of change in the American Establishment and
the
American charter. ...
“It is concerned with Vietnam at home not in Asia; the consequences
of Brown
v. The Board of Education;
with the CIA as a metaphor of homegrown, secret and out-of-control
bureaucracy....
“Amid it The
Times reaches
out with its reporting skills, identifies the new thrusts,
the new players, and tries, sometimes with clumsiness,
to act as surrogate for the people, seeking to strengthen
the First Amendment powers which enable it to examine,
as the people no longer can, the BIGS, Big government, Big
Bureaucracy, Big Spying, Big Interests, Big Labor, Big
Business, all the multiplicands that have transformed our Jeffersonian
society into something quite different, quite frightening at
times, seldom understood, carrying on the task, as Mr.Ochs
promised, “without fear or favor.”
Not What Founder of New York Times Envisioned
When Harrison Salisbury wrote about all the “BIGS” in the world, he
leftout a very important one: BIG MEDIA, particularly the New York
Times.
This
is not what Adolph Ochs, the founder of the Times, envisioned,
a newspaper which presents all sides of an issue. That vision was violated
a long time ago (1935) by Iphigene and Arthur Sulzberger. They started
to put a little opinion into the news and present only the
“correct” side — their side.
It’s
gotten worse over the years since then and is now totally out of control
with the new occupant of the throne, Pinch Sulzberger.
What
did his father, Punch, think of all this in 1970 when he was making
the decisions? It did not thrill him, but he could not move quickly.
He had over 900 newsmen. That in itself is quite a “balance wheel”
that would prevent anyone from making drastic changes. Punch was
only thirty-seven with no experience and no newspaper ability when he
was suddenly thrust into running this huge organization. It is
amazing he did as well as he did.
At
some level, Punch was troubled by the Pentagon Papers. He realized
that there were two sides to the issue, but he was under pressure
from the news people and he agreed to the publication, even writing,
“We are going to look back on these days as some of the most exhilarating
in the history of the Times and ... in the history of
American journalism.”
Tifft
and Jones who wrote the best, official history of the Times,
“The Trust,” approved with these words: “The publication of the Pentagon
Papers was his [Punch] grand, defining moment, a moment in
which he took bearings from his heritage and his own values
and instincts, and steered the paper safely and surely toward
the ‘right’ decision.”
There’s
no question that Punch’s decision greatly increased and solidified his
prestige in the newsroom. A question arose during the process
whether the Times would actually print the documents or merely
quote or paraphrase them. The editors were firmly in favor
of printing the documents. Abe Rosenthal, the Editor, felt
so strongly that he had privately resolved to quit if Punch
did not do so. On the Friday before the Sunday publication, Punch
agreed.
When
book companies came after the Times to make the story into
a book, the government entreated Punch that this would be a serious
mistake. It was one thing to print them in a newspaper which did
not have a long shelf-life. Despite what he believed, they
said, there was some information that could threaten the
life of CIA agents and damage the country’s security. Punch agreed not
to publish a book.
The
Pentagon Papers were about 7,000 pages in 47 volumes. The study
was conceived by Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense from 1961
through early 1968 who had been the prime architect of our policy
in Vietnam under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. He had made
it grow from a few hundred advisors when he and Kennedy arrived
to more than 500,000 American troops when he left.
Before
leaving, he ordered a small staff in the Department of Defense to do
a secret study of America’s decisions about Vietnam since
the end of World War II. The study was completed in 1969. Only fifteen
copies of the top-secret study were made, but two went to
the Rand Corporation where Ellsburg read it. McNamara refused
to talk about the war until he wrote a book in 1995 about
the war he had created, in which he said the U.S. had been
“wrong, terribly wrong.” In a 1999 book, he estimated on
the first page that 3.8 million Vietnamese were killed in the struggle.