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Summary Given on Dec. 9 in Response
to Gov. Swift and Sen. Birmingham
January 2003
Print Edition
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This is intended as a quick
help for the Court. A traditional brief under
Mass. R. App. P. follows this summary. This
brief does not repeat material in the plaintiff's
brief in Pawlick v. Birmingham, SJC-08879. A
more comprehensive discussion of much of this
material is found in the plaintiff's brief in
that case.
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Suggested Answers to the Requests
from Governor Swift
Advisory No. A-105,
December 3, 2002
SJC - 08916.
1. Does adjournment by a roll call
vote (137 yeas to 53 nays) of the joint session [of
the two Houses] constitute final action on a proposed
constitutional amendment such that the Governor's
power and duty to recall the joint session under Article
48 [of the Constitution of the Commonwealth] do not
attach?
No. The Constitution requires that "final"
action in the Legislature shall be only by roll call
vote. This requires a vote on the amendment itself.
A vote for adjournment without a vote on the amendment
does not satisfy the requirement of the Constitution.
This is clearly seen in this request where there are
three Amendments pending. It is not possible to have
a final, combined vote on all of them at once. They
must be voted on one at a time.
This is found in the Constitution at art. 48, Init.,
pt. 4, §4: "Final legislative action in
the joint session upon any amendment shall be taken
only by call of the yeas and nays ..." This requires
a roll call vote on each Amendment.
2. If there has not been final action
by the joint session, may the Governor, using her
judgment, reasonably determine whether this controversy
has reached the 'limits of futility.' LIMITS v. President
of the Senate, 414 Mass. 31, 32 n. 4 (1992), such
that she may decline to recall the joint session under
Article 48?"
The Governor's citation to the Limits case apparently
is incorrect. Apparently, she refers to footnote 5
on page 34.
The case cited at footnote 5 is Opinion of the Justices,
334 Mass. 745 (1956). In that case, the Governor had
recalled the Legislature three times without any success.
In this case, the Governor has taken no action at
all to recall them. Obviously, she has not reached
any level of futility, particularly where they have
now asked this Court for its advice on their following
the requirements of art. 48.
Suggested Answers to the Requests
from the Senate
Advisory No. A-106,
December 5, 2002
SJC - 08917
1. Would a member of the joint session violate Article
48 by moving to adjourn before the joint session otherwise
takes action on any of the proposed amendments?
Yes. Each Legislator is required to know and obey
the Constitution of the Commonwealth. See Answer #1
above.
2. Would the President of the Senate,
as presiding officer of the joint session, violate
Article 48 by recognizing a motion to adjourn before
the joint session otherwise takes action on any of
the proposed amendments?
Yes. Under art. 48, Init., pt. 4, §2, the president
of the senate is given the ministerial duty of presiding
at the session to ensure that the mandate of the Constitution
is followed and the required vote is taken by call
of the yeas and nays.
3. Would the joint session violate
Article 48 by voting to adjourn before otherwise taking
action on any of the proposed amendments?
Yes. Same as question 2. Each legislator is also required
to obey the Constitution.
4. If the joint session votes to
adjourn before otherwise taking action on any of the
proposed amendments, does Article 48 require any further
action by the President of the Senate?
Yes. Art. 48, Init., pt. 4, §2 gives the President
of the Senate the ministerial duty to preside at the
joint session and §4 requires him to see that
the final legislative action at the joint session
is a call of the yeas and nays for each of the three
amendments before the joint session.
| Reference
to Rules of Legislature. As to the reference by
the President to Special Rule F of the joint session
and Rule 64 of the House of Representatives, which
applies to the joint session according to Special
Rule J, it is manifest that the legislature may
not enact rules which would allow it to violate
the Constitution. Therefore, a decision must be
made by the President of the Senate on each and
every request by a legislator whether such request
would violate the Constitution, which is the paramount
law of the Commonwealth. |
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Globe
Still Urges Violation of Law |
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| The
NY Times continues to tell the Boston Globe to
urge defiance of the Mass. Constitution. Here
it printed a letter Dec. 9 telling the Governor
not to obey the Constitution. |
Final Disposition
of Case
This matter is currently the subject of a lawsuit
which was argued before this Court on December 3 and
was taken under advisement. The principal defendant
in that lawsuit, Thomas Birmingham, is now asking
this Court for answers to these questions, and the
Governor, Jane Swift, who was not a named defendant
but is closely involved in the relief sought in that
suit, is also seeking advice on the suit currently
before the Court.
As a result, the decision by the Single Justice to
dismiss the suit because the plaintiff had no standing
to sue Sen. Birmingham is moot because Sen. Birmingham,
apparently without the knowledge of his attorney,
is now requesting that this Court decide the issues
raised by the plaintiff in her suit.
This means that the Court must rethink the issues
because the defenses which were strenuously argued
by the Attorney General no longer apply. It appears
that the Court now must only determine what is the
appropriate relief. All of the defenses such as the
argument that declaratory relief cannot be applied
against Sen. Birmingham, about Sen. Birmingham's official
capacity vs. his private capacity, etc., etc. are
now moot.
The Court should now consider carefully that the 182nd
General Court forfeited its right to vote when it
made a willful violation of art. 48 of the Constitution
by adjourning without taking a vote on three amendment
initiatives. The Secretary of State should notify
the 183rd General Court that it shall proceed as though
the 182nd General Court had approved all three of
them. Therefore, there is no further duty required
of the Senate President or the Governor this year.
Justice Greaney's Opinion in
1992
Justice Greaney wrote in an opinion in 1992 that where
the Legislature had failed to vote in an initiative
for a new law, the Legislature had lost its right
to vote. Sen. Birmingham has many arguments why this
opinion would not apply to an initiative for an amendment.
"The remedy of the citizens is at the ballot
when the Legislature violates an art. 48 initiative
for an amendment." But that was the remedy
available to the citizens in 1918. "Go out and
elect a majority of the House and Senate." If
that is still the only remedy in 2002, then the wonderful
dream of the progressives/liberals/populists is truly
dead. If that is true, then the words of Justice Greaney
were a cruel hoax when he wrote: "We cannot endorse
a result that would permit the Legislature, by failing
or refusing to comply with a mandatory provision of
art. 48, to frustrate the right of the people to place
a proposed law on the ballot."
"The duties of the Secretary are much different
under an amendment initiative than when a law initiative
is involved." There is a facial difference
in the language of art. 48 between the process of
a law initiative and an amendment initiative, but
it is only facial. The Secretary of the Commonwealth
is not just a clerk. In a law initiative, there is
nothing that gives him any notice whether the Legislature
has failed to enact the law before the first Wednesday
of May. He is required to monitor the process and
discover what is happening. He has no less duty for
an amendment initiative.
"Inaction by the Legislature should not be
deemed to be approval." That is absolutely
correct. But no one has said that it should be deemed
as approval. What is important is that they have forfeited
their right to vote. Whether they approve or disapprove
the measure is immaterial.
"Because the Governor has a role in the process,
she, and not the Court, has the role of ensuring that
the Legislature follows the Constitution."
That is obviously not true on its face. Nowhere by
giving the role to the Governor, has anyone taken
away this institution's judicial function of enforcing
the Constitution.
Will the SJC Reassure the Citizens?
The question is whether this Court will show the citizens
that there is someone who will see that our Constitution
is obeyed.
Justice Greaney told the Superior Court judges on
November 1, 2002 about the "cynicism about government"
and about "politicians who constantly rail about
the 'mess on Beacon Hill' and the corruption in Washington,
yet offer no realistic solutions."
But the "cynicism" about art. 48 comes not
from the politicians, but from citizens who see a
broken government. Many people wished us luck back
in July in our endeavor to amend the Constitution,
but nobody believed we would prevail. They thought
we were tilting at windmills, like Don Quixote, but
that is now changing, thanks to your interest and
your giving the people a forum in which to express
their anger and frustration.
They will be watching closely to see if the SJC has
the heart of the 1930 Court. Will it really take charge
and see that our Constitution is obeyed?
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